Understanding Northern Ireland Without Prejudice: A Follow-on to ‘Unheard Voices’.

Following the ‘Unheard Voices’ article which was shared across social media on Saturday and Sunday, we  have received some encouraging feedback. A broad range of people, from within and outside of Loyalism, read the article and recognised the internal reflection process which is taking place amongst East Belfast’s Protestant working class. They welcomed the engagement of local people in those issues which affect them, and the civic ways in which those needs were articulated.

This was the reason I wrote the piece, to share the positive and critical thinking which took place in the Strand Arts Centre that evening, and by doing so, allow those people a voice, and begin to unsettle the comfortable assumptions which some commentators hold about Loyalism.

However, we have also received, indirectly I might add, some less than encouraging feedback. These responses are the ones which I hope to address now. As always, I am open to challenge, criticism and counter-argument, both publicly and privately. I will make sure my email address is included when this article is shared. This is not intended to be a ‘final word’, but a step towards a transformative conversation.

The first item I would like to refute is the suggestion that, given my support for Loyalists, I am either connected with, or have been bought off by, the UVF. This is not only a dangerous, not to mention libelous statement, but it also reveals a great deal about the individual who made such a claim. What this means, is that in speaking up for the working classes of East Belfast, I am responding to either partisanship, fear or bribery. Further, the underlying assumption at play is that the working classes of East Belfast are so abhorrent, so beyond reproach, that I could have no other motivation for writing positively about them. What type of person would suggest such a thing? Not a liberal, one would hope.

In addition, the assertion that anyone who discusses Loyalism in a positive way is under the control of paramilitary forces, insults not just me, but a whole school of academics. There are a number of writers, who have worked with Loyalists and produced scholarly research which moves beyond the intellectually lazy assumption that Loyalists are simply ‘thugs’. Professor Peter Shirlow, Professor John Barry, Professor Kieran McEvoy, Professor Jim McAuley, Dr. Connal Parr, Dr. Gareth Mulvenna, Dr. Tony Novosel, Dr. Graham Spencer, Dr. Richard Reed, Dr. Aaron Edwards, Stephen Bloomer and many more besides, have taken the time to work alongside Loyalist communities. Are they all in the pockets of the UVF? Are they simply deluded, these academics? Or do they recognise that Loyalism, like all identities, is complex, and that Loyalists, as citizens and human beings, deserve to be listened to?

The second item I am addressing is the casual, yet also dangerous, mis-reading of my article. I wrote that the discussions on the 27^th centered around people’s hopes of securing social housing, decent jobs and schools for the area. Most people read this for what it was; the articulations of a community who have considered their circumstances and strive, not unreasonably, toward those things which all of us do. A home, stable employment, and to live in a vibrant community. I challenge anyone to find sectarianism within these aspirations.

Those who strive to end the politics of ‘Orange and Green’ often point to those things which we all share, and argue that closer attention to these would begin to heal communal rifts. The people of East Belfast agree with them. The common ground is there, if you wish to see it. However, some saw this as a ‘shopping list’ or ‘list of demands’, and critiqued the locals of East Belfast for asking for such things.

Local people observing the area in which they live, reflecting upon community needs, and asking for a say in how resources are applied; is this sectarian? Is it tribal, or paramilitaristic? I don’t think so. It is commonly referred to as participatory budgeting. Cllr. John Barry of the Green Party recently submitted a Motion of Notice to North Down Borough Council to have participatory budgeting implemented there. If he is successful, the people of North Down will have a say in how to use part of the Council’s budget. My question is this: are the people of North Down sectarian for wanting to be involved in how their community is run? Or is it only sectarian when Loyalists do it?

I have spent some time considering why quite a routine article provoked such a hostile response in some areas. There are a number of reasons that a working class community speaking up might make these commentators uncomfortable. It did not fit with their world view. Loyalists are meant to be apathetic, they aren’t meant to know about politics, their areas of expertise are flags, bonfires and parades, right? So far, so prejudiced.

If you are reading this, and consider yourself a progressive, tolerant, liberal figure, you might think, “I can’t be prejudiced, I’m a feminist, I’m pro-choice, I support equal marriage, I want a multicultural Northern Ireland”. These are all laudable qualities, and I share them with you. As do, notably, the PUP.   However, all of these traits do not sit comfortably with the routine denigration of any community. That includes Loyalists.

When reflecting on the possibility that Loyalism might be progressive, you might also want to ask yourself how Cllr Julie-Anne Corr was successfully nominated and elected, by those backward Loyalists whom you despise. Or indeed, how one can attend both the Twelfth and Gay Pride. Such complexities are no doubt unsettling, but to remain blind to them is to perpetuate prejudice.

Despite the demand, often issued from the liberal middle, that Loyalism abandon its ‘irrational’ attachments to flags and parades, and focus on the real, bread and butter issues, when Loyalists do so, as they did on the 27^th,  they remain, in the eyes of our great liberal comrades, the ‘sectarian thugs’ whom they have always been.

This refusal to modify one’s position in response to new information, is anathema to rational thought, one of the pillars of liberalism. Indeed, it is of particular interest to me, because, like many, I would like to see Northern Ireland build a genuine and inclusive peace. I believe that to do so, we should begin to seriously listen to others. Not just the others who agree with us, which is reassuring, but a form of stasis. We should be listening to those whose views and beliefs we disagree with. For the ‘liberal middle’, whom this article is addressed to, the ‘other’ is Loyalism.

There are, of course, no obligations to challenge our own preconceptions. We are free individuals, and can nurse our bigotries and reassure ourselves that there is little point engaging with our opponents. This might bring comfort but it won’t bring progress However, for the self-appointed ‘progressive thinkers’ of Northern Irish society, there is an obligation to listen, and to be self-critical. In claiming to be non-sectarian, rational thinkers, these people invite us to challenge their statements, and reveal their internal inconsistencies.

These people dismiss Loyalism as violent, uneducated, obsessed with flags, intolerant, racist, right-wing, sectarian and regressive.  This, they are certain of. They have formed these opinions, perhaps from personal encounter, but more likely from the tired and recycled media narratives of Loyalism, which ought to be confined to the history bin.

However, when confronted with the notion that Loyalists are actually more concerned with living in houses which aren’t riddled with damp, or reforming a school system which is systematically failing young, Protestant males, or indeed, having some shops to visit near their homes, how do our great, liberal peacemakers respond?

They don’t. What was said cannot be called a response. Because a response requires that one reflect on what the other has said, and frame their own contribution accordingly. They have already decided what Loyalism is, and nothing we, or Loyalists say, will alter this. To these people, and I am grateful they are in a minority, I finish with this: if you, the self-styled saviours of our wounded and divided society, cannot listen to your fellow citizens because their identity disgusts you, then you are not part of the solution. You are the problem, and you should be utterly ashamed to call yourself a liberal.

Sophie Long

THE INDISPUTABLE, ORIGINAL DEFINITION OF AUTHENTIC ULSTER LOYALISM.

To fully understand the true definition and the genuine cause of authentic Ulster Loyalism, it is essential to return to the root cause of its original formation and to examine in detail, both honestly and impartially, exactly what is deliberately, simply and clearly written indisputably, on the actual tin of original, authentic Ulster Loyalism. IE, “THE ULSTER COVENANT.”

Unfortunately Original, authentic Ulster Loyalism, in much the same way as Original, Authentic Christianity, has become so continually morally diluted by some and intolerantly religiously added to by others, to such a deliberately meaningless extent that, both are now conveniently wide open to misrepresentation by insincere followers of both.
Close examination of the principles of authentic Ulster Loyalism reveal that, most of us, the modern day claimants of Ulster Loyalism, are conveniently deluding ourselves and as an aid for implementing this self-deception, we have created the eagerly embraced new Buzz Term within Unionism, IE, (P U L) (Protestant, Unionist, Loyalist.)
The term P U L, is especially popular within the younger generations of Unionism, who despite being raised in a Christian/Protestant environment, do not themselves practice and in some cases do not even respect, the
Christian/Protestant Faith of our Forefathers.   They do however eagerly embrace the Cultural Heritage, band scene, marching, singing, flag waving and the Glorious Commemorations of the courage and the Sacrifices made by our Forefathers, in the defence of our Christian/Protestant Faith and Ulster.
So obviously the main purpose of this new fangled P U L Culture of mix and match, or take your pick Unionism, is to provide a convenient, anything goes safety net of loose association, for those without the Faith or the sincerity, to commit to authentic Ulster Loyalism.

THE UNION.

Our forefathers have been totally vindicated by history, in their totally correct assertion within the Ulster Covenant that, “Home rule would have been disastrous to the material well being of Ulster and subversive of our civil and religious freedom.”

The fifty years of official State and Roman Catholic Church authorised, sectarian discrimination and ethnic cleansing that, was aggressively directed at the shamefully abandoned Protestants and ex- British Servicemen within the Republic of Ireland after partition, is well documented.  These facts have been nearly completely air brushed from history, but they go a long way to explain why Northern Ireland was for fifty years after partition, ” A Protestant State For A Protestant People.”
So rightly convinced were our Forefathers that, Home rule would mean Rome rule, they took up arms and were prepared to defend, by the use of force if necessary and against even the might of the British Army if need be, the democratic right of the people of Northern Ireland, to decide their own destiny.
Today that determination remains an essential requirement of Ulster Loyalism.

THE MONARCHY.

Although our Forefathers had pledged Loyalty to King George V, and the British Empire, the Ulster Covenant makes it clear that this was not a slavish one way pledge of Loyalty, it was made clear that Loyalty was a double edged sword and that if Ulster’s faithful Loyalty to Britain was betrayed, then the Ulster Volunteers sacred Loyalty to God and Ulster was the sacred cause that, they were prepared to die for.
So slavish loyalty to the Monarchy is not a requirement of authentic Ulster Loyalism.
As a soldier of the Royal Ulster Rifles and the Royal Irish Rangers, I had also sworn allegiance to the British Crown, however due to the slaughter caused by the IRA, via a no warning sectarian bomb attack on The Four Step Inn on the Shankill Road. I left the British Army in early 1972, with the sole intention and purpose of taking up arms against the IRA.
I became a full time Fire fighter with the Belfast Fire Brigade, were I witnessed on a daily basis, the indiscriminate carnage caused by the totally sectarian and cowardly, no warning bombing campaign of terror being waged by the unappeasable, bitter, twisted terrorists, of the IRA.
I was arrested by the security forces in March 1973 and sentenced to 8 years imprisonment for counter terrorism. Immediately after my release I had to have a kidney removed, due to damage received during one of our numerous confrontations with the British Army, during my imprisonment.
So do I qualify for description as an authentic Ulster Loyalist? Sadly No.
Instead of being content to take up arms in defence of democracy. I personally and enthusiastically took up arms and aggressively sought the satisfaction of revenge. I was in fact an aggressive counter terrorist.
So what am I now?   I am exactly the same as all the IRA terrorists now employed up at Stormont and on Belfast City Council and in the council chambers all over Northern Ireland.   We are all slumbering terrorists. If our veneer is scratched the old spots of terrorism quickly reappear and if we are abruptly aroused, then we all resort to what we know best.
So for blatantly obvious reasons, which the British Government is shamefully ignoring, NO CONVICTED TERRORIST, LOYALIST OR REPUBLICAN, should be legally permitted to be democratically, nor by transfer, elected into a position of authority over the ordinary decent people of Northern Ireland, were they are at present causing further daily hurt upon their former innocent victims, via their constant unrepentant publicity through the media.
Always remember the warning from the IRA’s most senior, old senile politician Gerry. He can’t ever actually remember being in the IRA, but he has absolutely no intention of ever letting anyone forget that, “They haven’t gone away you know.”

Charlie Freel.

Dr John Coulter has been a life-long member of the Ulster Unionist Party. He is chairman of the radical Right-wing Unionist think-tank, the Revolutionary Unionist Convention, which wants loyalism to embrace the concept of One Faith, One Party, One Commonwealth. In this article for Long Kesh Inside Out, he outlines what purely democratic path loyalism should take and what loyalism means to Revolutionary Unionism.

I am an unashamed and unrepentant Radical Right-wing Unionist and loyalism now needs to follow the path of the ideology I have penned – Revolutionary Unionism. It encompasses the ethos – one faith, one party, one Commonwealth.

As a born-again Christian, my first loyalty is to Jesus Christ as my Saviour and political mentor. His Sermon on the Mount, often referred to as The Beatitudes, as outlined in St Matthew’s Gospel, represent a caring Christian social agenda which every loyalist should adopt as their manifesto.

As a journalist and commentator, I have grown up in a political era where loyalist and unionist indulged in the luxury of splitting and fragmenting Unionism, Loyalism, Orangeism and Protestantism.

As a Revolutionary Unionist, I want to see loyalty to a single pro-Union movement simply known as The Unionist Party. It can contain as many pressure groups as it has interest groups, but seats have been lost to republicanism and nationalism through splitting the pro-Union vote and Protestant voter apathy.

Tens of thousands of loyalists gave their lives, were wounded, or served in two world wars so that the generation of 2015 could enjoy the freedoms of democracy. Like the fine example of our sister Commonwealth nation, Australia, responsible citizenship should also carry the moral duty of compulsory voting. Being a loyalist should also mean loyalty to the ballot box – and the ballot box alone.

As a Revolutionary Unionist, I recognise that the Occupied Twenty-Six Counties (known as the Republic) has failed as a political and financial experiment. It is time for these 26 Southern counties to resume their rightful place in a new Union within the Commonwealth of nations.

The historical roots of Revolutionary Unionism lie with the Glorious Revolution – hence the title of the ideology – of the 1690s under King William III which established modern parliamentary democracy as we know it.

That Glorious Revolution affected all of Ireland, not just the six Northern counties of Northern Ireland. All of Ireland was a founder member of the Empire Parliamentary Association in 1911, which later became the current Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) in the 1940s.

Loyalism must not become a purely defensive ideology. Through democratic persuasion, Revolutionary Unionism will encourage the South to initially join the CPA before taking its place once again in the Commonwealth.

Revolutionary Unionism will campaign for the UK and Ireland to leave the cash-strapped European Union with the CPA as the economic alternative. The CPA represents more than 50 national and regional parliaments throughout the globe and is much more stable politically than the crumbling EU. Where the UK goes politically and economically, Ireland must follow.

Revolutionary Unionism seeks to further the cause of Faith and State, not Church and State. The latter assumes a religious denomination ramming its views down the throats of citizens. Revolutionary Unionism will seek to re-establish the Biblical standards – not denominational dogma – as the guiding principles for the state.

The Christian ethos will be that espoused by the Salvationist doctrine as outlined in the New Testament text of St John Chapter 3, verse 16. Revolutionary Unionism is firmly committed to the concept that a political awakening in Ireland will go hand in hand with a Christian spiritual reawakening, such as that which swept across the island in the 1859 Revival.

Revolutionary Unionism will not confine itself to the six counties of Northern Ireland or the ‘Not An Inch’ mentality. It is not a case of being loyal to the maxim ‘What We Have We Hold’, but embracing the aspiration ‘We Will Take Back What Is Rightfully Our’s’.

Loyalism needs a new aspiration; as a Revolutionary Unionist, I firmly believe loyalism has the solution – one Biblically-based Christian faith, one pro-Union party, and all of Ireland back in a single Commonwealth under the Royal Crown.

John Coulter

AUTHENTIC ULSTER LOYALISM, AS LIVED OUT, BY THE LATE VOLUNTEER KEN OWENS.

Ken Owens was a totally humble, unassuming, Volunteer of the Red Hand Commando, who departed this life on the 10th April 2015. Ken didn’t leave behind any academic pearls of wisdom, or profound one liner parables for the academic dissectors of sincere Ulster Loyalism to squabble over.

However to the rapidly dwindling, surviving Ulster Volunteers of the early seventies, Ken left behind the priceless  memories of a sincerely served record of actual military service, on behalf of Ulster, before, during and after incarceration that was surpassed by very few.

Below is the tribute paid to Ken, by his old Comrades, during Kens Funeral Service.

Ken Owens was a totally sincere, Ulster Volunteer and Red Hand Commando, of the early seventies. He gladly stepped forward and served his Country at a time in our Country, when civil war seemed certain.

Ken took up arms in defence of the democratic right of the people of Northern Ireland to determine their own destiny, free from the constant sectarian attacks, by bitter twisted Irish Republican terrorists.

Ken Owens sacrificed his freedom in defence of his Family, his Faith and his Country, at a thankless time and for a thankless future, when the only reward for sincere military Loyalism was either imprisonment or death.

Today, we all have the privilege of thankfully and respectfully, acknowledging that sacrifice.

Ken was an old ex-shipyard caulker, which meant that he was as deaf as a door nail,( although Ken always maintained that his deafness was due to other large bangs in his life.) How ever regardless of the cause, the one thing that we can be sure of is that, Kens undefeatable, fighting spirit, is still with us here today listening to every word we have to say about him.

Ken Owens was an old school Northern Ireland Loyalist, he was totally Loyal to his God, his Family, his old Comrades and the Authentically Original, Founding Principles of Northern Ireland Loyalism.

Kens cause and principles in life were simply and unquestionably, For God and Ulster. He made these sincerely held principles the unshakable Foundation Stones of his Family, his Faith, his Country and his Cause.

Ken Owens wasn’t a big man in physical stature, but he had a massive heart, massive reserves of courage and a totally undefeatable determination. If ken decided he wasn’t going to be moved, then it was always going to take much more than one massive man to move him. This resolute courage and immovable determination stood Ken in good staid, during our numerous confrontations with the army and the prison authorities, in Crumlin Road prison and in Long Kesh.

Ken was a proud East Belfast shipyard man, born and raised in East Belfast at a time when the front door of every house in street lay open until bedtime. Neighbours looked after neighbours, Children respected their elders, marriage was for life, our Protestant Faith was respected by all and the only drugs on the streets were totally un-tipped woodbine and parkdrive cigarettes.

Ken firmly believed that, we all became far better adults than the adults of today, because of our Christian based childhoods in East Belfast.

Kens life was cast iron proof that, he was right.

Back in the early seventies, the IRA, embarked on an indiscriminate, sectarian, no warning bombing campaign of slaughter and destruction. They attempted to by the use of terrorism, to overthrow democracy here in Northern Ireland and sought by the use of force, to deny the ordinary decent people of Northern Ireland the democratic right to decide their own destiny.

The main targets of the IRA’s cowardly campaign of no warning slaughter and destruction were, Protestant Working Class Heartlands, isolated and defenceless border Protestant villages and farms, and Belfast City Centre.

All over Northern Ireland, in response to this sectarian slaughter by the IRA and the dithering lack of serious action by the British Government, Loyalist Working Class area’s were forced to form local Volunteer Defence Forces.

In their pathetic attempts to contain by repeated appeasement, the unappeasable, bitter twisted, sectarian terrorists of the IRA, the British Government capitulated even further. They suspended the democratically elected Government of Northern Ireland. They disarmed the Royal Ulster Constabulary. They abolished the B Specials,( Northern Irelands Legitimate first line of defence against the IRA, especially in remote border areas.) They also barred the Northern Ireland Regiments of the British Army, from serving in Northern Ireland. They even unsuccessfully attempted to ban Northern Ireland resident British Soldiers, from coming home on leave.

It was apparent to the ordinary decent people of Northern Ireland, that the British Government would soon capitulate completely to the IRA.

Urgent counter action was required and the Loyalist Working Class People of Northern Ireland responded accordingly.

Ken Owens actions as an Ulster Volunteer on 26th March 1973, resulted in an

8 year prison sentence.

Kens immediate response to the Judge, the Court and the cowardly British Government was, a totally defiant shout of NO SURRENDER, UP THE RED HAND COMMANDO.

Ken spent the first 10 months of his sentence in Crumlin Road prison and the remainder mainly in Compound 18 Long Kesh, Ken had no cause for sleepless nights nor sessions of self-pitying cultural, political, nor ancestral self-reflection, in pursuit of excuses to blame anyone, or anything other than himself for his own totally unrepentant actions against the belligerent

sectarian terrorism, of the IRA,     Ken proudly accepted personal

responsibility for his actions in defence of democracy.

That unyielding spirit of NO SURRENDER became even more evident, during the last few years of Kens life, as he battled through illness after illness with a complete absence of complaint or self pity.

Ken cared sincerely about his old Comrades from Compound 18 and despite his own ill health, he never failed to turn out on parade to pay his sincere respects, at the usually premature final parades of many of his old Comrades.

A few years ago when Ken was informed of the death of his much younger Comrade Edmund McKay, Kens immediate response was to inquire if Edmund had made himself right with God before he died.

Ken often brought up the subject of God, he made no secret of his belief in God as his Creator and in Jesus Christ as his saviour.

A few days before Ken departed for his final holiday in Benidorm, he handed over his old Somme Society uniform to his old Comrade Gorman McMullan, as a free donation for some other Somme Society member who didn’t have a uniform.

Ken had realised that due to his serious ill health, he would never again be able to properly and respectfully parade, with his Comrades of the Somme Society.

Today we can all celebrate together the fact that, in much the same way as Ken gladly discarded his old Somme Society uniform, because it was no longer of any earthly use to him, he also on the 10th of April in Benidorm, discarded the old worn out uniform of an earthly body, in which his totally undefeatable spirit had been clothed for the past 73 years.

Today that totally undefeatable, fighting spirit, of our old friend and Comrade, is still very much alive and well, in fact I strongly suspect that, as we all trudge up to Roselawn Cemetery to give Kens old worn out uniform of a body the military funeral that, Kens active service on behalf of his

Country deserves,   Kens old undefeatable fighting spirit will probably be

dancing and skipping up the Newtownards Road and into the bookies.

On the 10th of April 2015, I believe that our old Friend and Comrade Ken Owens, gladly exchanged the temporarily relaxing sun of Benidorm, for the eternally relaxing Son of God, our Saviour Jesus Christ.

Charlie Freel.

What Loyalism Means To Me

This is my reflection of being a young Prod in the early ‘70s,  born in the centre of Belfast and growing into a teenager at the height of the troubles.

Loyalism was about colour. The Red.  The White.  The Blue.  The Ulster flag with six pointed star. The Crown over the Red Hand.  The flag going out before the twelfth. Pride on seeing the street festooned with bunting. An arch. Loyalism was about the badges – oval and round. Our identity worm on the lapel of our wrangler jacket or the black lapel of the green pilot jacket.  Multi shaped badges.  Orange Widows badges each year. Collect them all. It was about clean clothes. Wearing shirt and tie to church and to funerals.  Sitting in church on Sunday morning.  Sunday school at the halfway mark.  Being polite to our elders.

Loyalism was clean and crisp Wrangler jeans.  Clean and shining shoes.  A freshly ironed Ben Sherman shirt.  My loyalism was about a  growing realisation of my identity. Britishness and all that was entailed.  My family immersed in the British army. The fighting and the dying.  Loyalism was about sacrifice. The Somme. Loyalism was a realisation that our identity- mine- was under threat from violent republicanism.  Loyalism was about being a part of the local tartan. Out walking on the streets. The parades to Stormont.  Supporting the boys.  Loyalism was about standing up for what we believed in.  Even having a general strike.

Loyalism was about working hard. Loyalism was collecting the boney, the big 11^th night and the big walk on the 12^th. Easter and down to Bangor. Hail,  rain or shine. Loyalism was about the dances in the local orange hall which we got dragged to. Belonging to the BB. Loyalism was about defending our wee streets.  Loyalism was about the Crown. Our Queen.  A long and proud history of belonging.  Loyalism was about pride and meaning.  Loyalism was about decency and not getting blocked at every minor excuse.  And soon loyalism became joining a paramilitary group.  And doing what was required.

And today?

Loyalism is a different animal today. I’m a different animal today.  Over a decade in the Kesh. Asking questions and discussing points. Having people like Gusty,  Mitch  and Davy  to talk with. Looking behind the superficial.  Facing uncomfortable truths.  If loyalism was about decency and fairness then what about some of things that were committed  in the name of loyalism? Some of the things I done.   Times have changed but history is history. I grew up in glory days. Simpler days. Even as the bombs exploded and the shots rang out across the rain soaked Belfast evening.

I’m still a Brit. But the teenager is long gone.  I’m a lot older and I hope a lot wiser.  Loyalism today?  The vast majority of people I meet, loyalists , republicans and others are decent people. Wanting to get on. Loyalism today is about respect for others even for those I disagree with.  Loyalism is about learning and being able to argue/debate with anyone. Loyalism is convincing them why I follow my way if life and why I think it’s the best.

Posnett.

From my forthcoming book

Fifty Eight Delegates

Civil and religious liberty are natural and fundamental rights that must be promoted and defended by all who claim the title of Loyalist (From William Mitchell’s Principles of Loyalism document, 2002).

It was one moment I shall never forget, one of those occasions when the heart pounds and every second becomes an eternity.  A feeling so terrifying I can still summon it today as I reminisce.

I had been involved in the counting of hands in the only resolution so tightly debated that a careful count was necessary.  Julie-Anne Corr had proposed that our party should support the campaign for gay people to have full marriage rights, and the vote would be far from unanimous.  For months five of us had met in the PUP’s East Belfast office and rehearsed the debates, battered the arguments, doled out bucketfuls of mock abuse toward Julie-Anne as she stood at our makeshift lectern, drafted and redrafted her presentation, leaked, and then championed the proposal to less sympathetic Loyalists through social media, and now, at the chairman’s table at party conference 2013 the chairman was totting up the delegates’ votes.

The resolution passed, by fifty eight delegates to thirty six.  Being stood upright at the back of the room I had a full view of the hustle and bustle, as the reality of what had just happened spread through the hall with a ripple of murmur and activity.  Johnny Harvey who was sat half-way down the seated area to my left simply turned in his seat to face me, and as I noticed his gaze he picked up on my delight, smiled, and fired a satisfied wink.  Julie-Ann, Kerry Johnston, Ian Shanks and Ysabell Giles each made a clambering bee-line for the door as I was clutching for my phone determined to let the world know of this development via twitter.  I then joined them outside.  Our equal marriage committee re-united in victory.

I think I was the only one whose joy didn’t present in tears.  Instead, I broke from the group embrace with what must have been an absurd smile, akin to the ones used nowadays to punctuate text messages.  Dr. Stephen Baker, a professor of media who would address later PUP conferences, arrived to join the conference and began conveying his apologies for being late only to stop mid sentence curious at the drama spilling out before him.  I composed myself enough to explain the cause of our elation.  I managed to explain to him that we were the first small group of people to convince a Unionist party in Northern Ireland to embrace equal marriage rights for gay people.

The small group of people to which I refer are all still friends today, we are still active campaigners, and we are all Political Loyalists.

William Ennis

What loyalism means to me

Julie-Anne Corr Johnston is a Progressive Unionist Party representative and a Belfast City Councillor for the Oldpark ward.

To better understand the L in PUL we must first address the definition of U – a Unionist – which I believe, is universally accepted as an individual supportive of Northern Ireland’s constitutional position within the United Kingdom. An overwhelming majority in Northern Ireland recognise the benefits of our union with Great Britain and would subsequently vote to maintain it. However should greater benefits be met outside this Union, be it independence or uniting with the Republic of Ireland, that majority could very well become a minority.

Unionism has no religious preference despite the attempts of many to dress it as such. In fact, many Catholic Irish men and women across the province recognise the benefits of Northern Ireland’s constitutional position and would vote to maintain it and are therefore, subsequently by definition, Unionist.

In the context of Northern Ireland Loyalism is arguably a subset of unionism, we value the union however, without reservation, we remain unequivocally loyal to its preservation.

Loyalism has not changed prior nor post conflict in Northern Ireland, however the means by which it defends the Union has. What has also changed is the perception of loyalism – once considered key stakeholders in moving this country forward via the peace process, loyalists are now more referenced as “fleggers and protesters holding Northern Ireland back”. Regrettably there is an air of negativity around the definition and portrayal of loyalism – the media and those venomously opposed to, or threatened by it, would have you believe it’s a dirty word describing the “rough and ready” of this country or those responsible for the ills in Northern Irish society.

Of course the preservation of the Union is of great importance to Loyalism however the social and economical well-being of the citizens of Northern Ireland is as equally important.

The Principles of Loyalism is a document produced “as an attempt to put forward the key elements of the loyalist cause that were established by the founding fathers of unionism at the time of the home rule crisis.”

It reads “today’s loyalists are the covenant children of those who signed the covenant and as such have a duty to maintain those core principles of that covenant which remain appropriate in the 21st century. These include :- 1. The material well-being of Ulster; 2. Civil and religious freedom; 3. Equal citizenship within the United Kingdom.” Duties that can only be upheld through the political process.

The document describes the need for a social agenda, it reads “Loyalists have a duty to ensure that our people have satisfactory housing that meets the social needs of our people, gainful employment that provides a living wage under satisfactory terms and conditions of employment, adequate health care from the cradle to grave that is free to all at the point of delivery, efficient public services and utilities that are controlled by elected representatives accountable to the public, a safe and healthy environment that enhances individual and community life and a free education system that provides life-long learning for all citizens”

I’m confident most if not all would agree with that sentiment – how it is achieved is where we differ – and whether those duties have been upheld by our unionist parties is a matter for each individual to decide themselves.

In my opinion as a proud unionist and unashamed loyalist living in the 21st century, I can’t help but feel these duties have been abandoned. Feelings I won’t press at the risk of going off topic, and perhaps for another submission, but will in closing acknowledge that Loyalism in its entirety does not have a social class nor does it have a singular political ideology – to claim it as such is an inaccurate description.

Politics of course is the means by which we can protect the union and enhance the lives of those living within it however Loyalism is much greater than any manifesto or political ideology. Loyalism has a rich culture and heritage that is passed down and celebrated through generation to generation. We are a proud lot and in times of hardship demonstrate the strength of cohesion despite “political difference”.

Julie-Anne