Category Archives: History

Billy Miller: 30th Anniversary of Unlawful Killing

Not Worthy of a Mention?

 

Belfast–Wednesday 16th March 1983 was an overcast early spring day.  It couldn’t be classed as an ordinary day because no such thing existed in Belfast or Northern Ireland in those fearful times.  The Provisional IRA showed no sign of letting up in their murderous campaign.  The Loyalist war went on unabated as well with and we witnessed a shift—away from random sectarian targets to more selected objectives.  Politically there was a seismic change taking place particularly within the Nationalist camp and most notably Sinn Fein.  In the wake of the failure of the Hunger strikes two years previously a mammoth effort was being made by Adams and Co to ensure domination of nationalist voters for that party.  As usual Unionism was fractured and the political future for the country seemed to perpetually driving into dead ends.  A week previously the SDLP had proposed a New Ireland Forum..just the latest in the clutching at straws scenario that abounded then.

 

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Book Review in the Big Issue..Tony Novosel

 

 

25 FEB – 3 MAR 2013

 

· THE BIG ISSUE IN THE NORTH

 

NORTHERN IRELAND’S LOST OPPORTUNITY:

 

THE FRUSTRATED PROMISE OF POLITICAL LOYALISM

 

(Pluto Press, £17.99)

 

Did some important figures in the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Red Hand Commando (RHC) develop a political analysis in the 1970s that could have paved the way for a viable peace agreement in Northern Ireland much earlier? Novosel asks whether the commonly held view of working-class Loyalism as apolitical and merely sectarian is a myth. The University of Pittsburgh professor challenges accepted wisdom in this fascinating book.

 

Why did you write this book?

 

I have friends on both sides of the divide and as an American I was sympathetic to Republicanism and Nationalism. I had always assumed that unionism/ loyalism was a monolith and neo-fascist at best and I could not understand why anyone in Ireland wanted to stay part of Britain. When I discovered that Unionism had different strands and heard about the Progressive Union Party’s (PUP) vision in the 1990s, and of people such as Gutsy Spence, then I wanted to find out more about Loyalism.

 

Did Loyalists recognise earlier than Republicans that the military conflict would have to end with a compromise political settlement?

 

The UVF/RHC and the PUP were saying this in the 1970s whilst the Provisional IRA did not publicly state they were prepared to compromise until 1992. The Official IRA were different and influenced the UVF’s political development as they realised they were not going to get a united Ireland from the armed struggle until the working class of both traditions united “within the context of Northern Ireland”.

 

Why attach importance to David Ervine’s statement: “Did stinking polluted politics come before paramilitarism? I think the answer to that is: ‘Yes.’”

 

Because it makes clear how Unionism let down its own working class and those who sought reform in Northern Ireland. In essence, Unionism created a state based on disenfranchising the Nationalist population and at the same time keeping its own working class in a subservient position and only slightly better off than its Catholic neighbours. In a land where the conflict was over scarce resources it was, as Bernadette Devlin once said, a conflict between “those with two and a half pence versus those with two pence”. Divide and conquer. As Ervine points out, if Unionism had not reacted the way it did when the Civil Rights movement began in the late 1960s, and instead had reformed the state, there would have been no need for the IRA and no need for the UDA and UVF. If you are going to explain the violence that breaks out in 1969, you cannot simply blame those on the streets or with the guns committing the violence. You have to look at those who created the conditions that led to the violence.

 

What was the basis for peace put forward by more progressive UVF and RHC volunteers in the 1970s?

 

They recognised that Northern Ireland’s history was, indeed the history of “50 years of Unionist misrule”. People lived, for the most part, totally separate lives. Therefore, integration had to occur at all levels of schooling and had to be taken out of public life. There should also be an end to discrimination in jobs and housing.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Bobby Storey on IRA ” Heroes “.

Bobby Storey on IRA ” Heroes “.

 

This weeks Anderstonstown News carries a column by IRA enforcer Bobby Storey–yes the same Storey who is Chief Provost Marshal–and was an accomplished bank robber amongst other various vocations–none of which were legitimate.  The column is a tribute to the three would be indiscriminate bombers whose plan was to detonate a bomb aimed at the British Army in Gibraltar but which would also have killed or maimed an untold number of tourists/civilians.  Mid March sees the 25th anniversary of the killings in Gibraltar and the subsequent deaths at Milltown cemetery and the two soldiers trapped in their car at those funerals.  There are republican plans to commemorate those who died–apart from the 2 soldiers I would imagine–and these include marches and white line protests in West Belfast.  Hopefully these will pass off peacefully and I see no reason why they wont given that anything that Sinn Fein organises of late seems to get the nod from both Stormont and Knock Headquarters.  See Sean Kelly and Padraig Wilson for proof.  In an era where we are being urged to put our differences behind us to look for a shared future, a pluralist society and that to compromise is the way forward to the rosy society that Sinn Fein envisage-Storey does nothing to entice this section of the community. Whilst it is okay to demonise anything Loyalist including bloody flag protestors–who have incidentally become the reason for all Northern Ireland’s ills including the economic downturn..it seems to be okay to elevate those who were hellbent on destroying this country–and others, in their murderous campaign.  McCann Farrell and Savage were not just content to kill and maim here but obviously were prepared to go to great lengths to slaughter innocents abroad.  Thankfully they were intercepted and in keeping with their own form of summary justice, taken out.  This of course led to much finger pointing and inquiries but the reality is that it was no different to the IRA shooting what they classed as legitmate targets in the security forces–either on or off duty. The IRA claimed to be involved in a war against the ” Brits “–so it is rather duplicitous to claim wrongful killing.  The point is that while there are those who would further divide our society on a daily basis what are the realistic chances of a coming together of an already polarised population? Same chance I think as the three bombers in Gibraltar once the SAS had them in their sights on the 7th March 1988.

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UVF/RHC Prison Life Document 1998

Introduction

This publication is part of an ongoing project into various prison-related issues.  For the past thirty years there have been thousands of Loyalists incarcerated in Northern Ireland’s prisons and yet very little has been written about the subject.  That neglect is all the more noticeable when one considers the number of books and other publications which have appeared dealing with Republican prisoners.

This document is a socio-political history of events which occurred in our prisons throughout three decades of conflict, focusing primarily on Loyalist politically-motivated prisoners.  Due to limitations of time and resources, it is very much a general overview of the Loyalist prison experience, and cannot hope to do justice to the numerous individual memories retained by ex-prisoners, or adequately relate the many experiences they have had, some of which differed greatly depending on which prison each prisoner was incarcerated in or the time period during which the imprisonment took place.

The research involved in-depth interviews with numerous ex-prisoners and their families, and, as the author of this document, I wish to express my appreciation for the time and hospitality I was given.  If anything, the research and interviews only served as a reminder that the great bulk of the prison ‘story’ is still to be recorded, and it is to be hoped that this publication will encourage more ex-prisoners, and their family members, to come forward with their personal testimonies.

During the entire period of our present ‘Troubles’ the conflict which afflicted Northern Ireland was mirrored by constant strife within the prisons, whether that involved fighting for better conditions, political status or segregation.  More significantly, however, the politicisation which occurred among many prisoners has been acknowledged by most commentators to have been one of the few really positive products of the Troubles, and the impact which ex-prisoners have made, and continue to make, at community level is now well established.

[Indeed, the ‘story’ of the growth of prisoner support networks would require a document on its own: from the early days of the Orange Cross, which was a small family-orientated group of people who set about raising funds and making up food parcels, through the establishment of the Loyalist Prisoners Welfare Association (LPWA) which sought to co-ordinate the efforts made to cater for the welfare of the vastly increasing prisoner population, to the formation of EPIC, which concentrates on the reintegration of prisoners, a role which has taken on greater significance in recent days.]

Just as remarkable has been the crucial impact former prisoners and their associates have made upon the political process – a process once kept remote from working-class aspirations and interventions.  Within the Loyalist working-class community parties such as the Progressive Unionist Party and the Ulster Democratic Party have done much to help move this entire society away from the politics of intransigence and violence to the politics of accommodation and dialogue, while proving that no surrender of identity or aspiration need be involved in the process.

With the Good Friday Agreement and the present commencement of the accelerated release of prisoners it might seem that a ‘chapter’ of Northern Ireland’s history is drawing to a close.  Such a perception would be greatly misplaced, however, for there is much hurt within this whole society, in different sections of our community, and it will take much patient and sensitive work if our wounds are ever to begin to heal.

It is with the intention of creating a greater awareness of prisoner-related issues – and in the hope that this can assist in the healing process – that these EPIC research documents are being produced.

Marion Green

Research Co-ordinator, EPIC

 

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EPIC Research Document on Reintegration of Ex Prisoners 1998.

Preface

 

As Northern Ireland emerges into a new era of democratic government after 30 years of violent conflict, thoughts are focusing on the future arrangements and relationships within Northern Ireland, between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and on a new East-West concept embracing the United Kingdom and Ireland.  Transition takes time, energy, commitment and an ability to see a brighter, inclusive future while reflecting on past experience.

It has not gone unnoticed that former enemies in that violent conflict are now addressing their differences and representing their communities in a non-violent theatre of debate – the new Northern Ireland Assembly.  Our differences, political and otherwise, have now a new arena within which they can be explored and creatively accommodated.

While we as a community-based self-help organisation welcome and will continue to give our support to these latest developments at the political level, we are also conscious of the impact and legacy of violent conflict at community level.

It is our belief that many sections of our community have an increasing role to play in addressing the casualties of our violent conflict, in acknowledging and endeavouring to resolve injustices, and in striving to heal the wounds (as best as one can) so as to enable all our people to invest in a new future.

EPIC has taken responsibility to assist in the reintegration and transformation of ex-prisoners who engaged in the violent conflict.  As an integral part of this work EPIC has undertaken intensive research into prison-related issues – whether describing the background to the prison experience itself, or cataloguing the many predicaments, problems and concerns which politically-motivated ex-prisoners encounter upon release.

The first results of this research are now being published, aimed not only at our ‘client’ group of ex-prisoners, but also with a view to increasing awareness among the general public about a significant section of our community whose experiences of long-term imprisonment have impacted right across Northern Ireland, and in some cases beyond.

This publication has been compiled from research conducted primarily by Jim Crothers, a member of staff of EPIC Central Services, and, though Jim, a number of other volunteers.  To all those people involved in the research and publication I offer the thanks of EPIC’s client base for putting into print a voice not often heard – indeed, in the past hardly articulated – but a message which should be listened to, and, for those in positions of influence, acted upon.  It is complemented by another EPIC research document, published simultaneously, which presents an historical overview of the prison experience from a Loyalist perspective.

We in Northern Ireland know only too well that to ignore our communities’ ills only guarantees festering sores and fermentation of future conflict.  EPIC feels that its practical work on the needs of ex-prisoners, as well as its ongoing research, will assist in creating the awareness and understanding which is the necessary foundation for purposeful dialogue, without which we can never hope to move forward and reconcile individuals, neighbourhoods, communities and our society in general.

 

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EPIC Research Document on Reintegration of Ex Prisoners 1998.

Fifteen years ago EPIC–Ex Prisoners Interpretative Centre, who represented UVF/RHC political ex prisoners conducted extensive research into the difficulties surrounding ex prisoners and their families.  The main body of research was carried out by Jim Crothers and Marion Green–research that took many months to compile.  The results were sometimes predictable–sometimes surprising–but indicated unambigiously that there were many problems to be faced in the reintegration of our prisoners–particularly thos who had spent many years behind bars.  This is the first of four pieces of documentary evidence that highlights the problems–as they were in 1998.  Many of those problems remain today and in lots of ways are exacerbated by the passage of time.

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Terms and Conditions for Life Sentence Prisoners 1989

Here is an example of the form issued by the Northern Ireland Office to those lifers who were being released through the Work Out Scheme in the late 80’s.  The scheme was housed in the Annexe which basically was an extension of ‘D’ Wing where long term ordinary prisoners were held.  In the work out scheme all types of life prisoners were held together prior to release–both ordinary prisoners and political from both republican and loyalist factions.  The idea was to wean you back into society with the help of probation board and welfare workers.  You were given some short periods outside accompanied by the stats before being allowed out for a weekend alone.  You then had to get yourself a job before finally getting out.  You went to whatever job you had early in the morning and came back at six o’clock to spend Monday-Thursday night in the Annexe.  When you were released on Friday morning to go to work you didnt come back until Monday night.  This period lasted for three months before you were conditionally released.  One of the conditions was that you had to come to the Crumlin Road every Friday to sign a Northern Ireland Office form.  Three months later you were signed off completely but were very aware that you could be brought back at any time for the slightest of reasons.  And some did indeed get brought back for the most dubious of reasons.

 

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Billy Mitchell–A Biography.

Longkeshinsideout pays homage to one of the most innovative and thoughtful figures to emerge in post war Loyalism.  Billy sadly died in 2006 leaving a void in working class politics that has been difficult to fill.  Although an unwavering Loyalist–he dedicated much of his life to the Unionist cause through the UPV, the UVF and latterly the Progressive Unionist Party–he demanded respect from all quarters for his cross community work, and peace building initiatives.  Billy’s is an interesting and in many ways inspirational story.  This biography first appeared in 2002 and was written by Kate Fearon who at that time was political advisor for the Womens Coalition.

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The Union Flag Row–100 Years Ago…Jason Burke

The Union Flag Row 100 Years Ago…

You May Say Its An Old Coloured Rag’ – The Union Flag Row 100 Years Ago
While spending some time in the Belfast Newspaper Library this week researching a completely unrelated topic a consistent pattern began to emerge as I read through the Belfast Evening Telegraph for the latter months of 1912. It seems that even a century ago the Union Flag was not tolerated in Ulster by certain sections and that it regularly led to sectarian violence on the streets.  The brief stories below include cases of patriotism, statesmanship (Mr John Redmond), sectarianism and ignorrance, set against a back drop of a looming Home Rule Bill for Ireland.
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The Fallen

In the next couple of weeks Remembrance Sunday will once again be upon us.  It is a very poignant time of year when we remember those who fell in all conflict.  The wearing of the poppy dates back to a time just after the war when an American professor–Moina Michael first wore one and vowed to do so every year to remember those who perished in World War One.  She also penned a poem–We Shall Keep the Faith–as a homage to Lieutenant Colonel John McCrae who had famously written “In Flanders Fields” in 1915, after the second Battle of Ypres.  This poem was–and still is–one of the most quoted poems from the Great War—In Flanders fields the poppies blow..Between the crosses row on row….Sadly John McCrae died of pneumonia while still commanding Canadian Forces in France in January 1918.  That war was supposed to be the war that would end all wars but history tells us a different story.  Here we have a short poem by a regular contributor that alludes to the futility of all conflict whilst remembering the sacrifices made by many in 1914-1918.

 

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