He was actually the first communist

Written by John Coulter

Published: December 24, 2013 Last modified: December 23, 2013

First Published in The Tribune Magazine. 

Coulter’s Coveted Cock-Up Cups for 2013

The Executive parties, peace guru Ricky Haass, Irish bloggers, and a couple of drop dead gorgeous MLAs have swept the boards in this year’s Coulter’s Coveted Cock-Up Cups.

   Robbo’s Dupes win the Mandela Memorial for the most historic U-turn. Just as Mandela converted from anti-apartheid terrorist to global peace ambassador, so too, has the DUP backtracked over its support for the Maze Shrine.

   The Shinners collect the Harry Potter Invisibility Cloak Cup for making their president Louth TD Gerry Adams ‘disappear’ in the wake of his brother Liam’s sex abuse conviction and the Sinn Fein boss’s alleged role with the Disappeared.

The election battered Ulster Unionists collect the ‘Head Stuck Up Their Asses’ award for believing they will still be relevant after next year’s super council poll.

The Stoops win two major titles, which is just about all they will win as they prepare to join the UUP and the old Nationalist Party in the dustbin of Irish history.

SDLP boss Big Al McDonnell wins the Sunglasses Special for the best performance at a conference on TV (mind the lights!), and the party also clinches the Conall McDevitt award for Expertise in Getting Expenses.

Alliance collects the ‘No Political Brains’ trophy for winding up the loyalist working class over the Union ‘fleg’ dispute.

And speaking of flags, Ricky Haass win the ‘When in doubt, bung up a flag’ cup for suggesting that the Irish tricolour flies alongside the Union Jack at Stormont.

Let’s hope Unionists are clever enough to demand equality and we can see the Union Jack also fluttering over Leinster House, Dublin Castle, the Garden of Remembrance, Croke Park and the Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown.

The Puke-Up Prize for making people vomit with its blunt presentation goes to pro-life fundamentalist organisation, We Shall Not Be Silent.

The Top Tit Trophy is won jointly by ex-UUP MLAs Bazza McCrea and wee Johnny McCallister for launching a new political party, NI21, which sounds more like a strain of bird flu.

The tightest battle in 2013 was for the Gobshite Cup, awarded to the social media folk for their comments about my Fearless Flying Column in the Irish Daily Star.

Three bloggers tie for this, known as ‘Tain Bo’, ‘Anonymous’ and ‘dan Breen’. For legal reasons, I cannot name them, but my source in MI5 assures me of their identities.

The Miss Stormont political babe prize is shared by the two glamour gals of Parliament Hill, namely the super sexy MLAs Jo-Ann Dobson of the UUP and Sinn Fein’s Megan Fearon.

‘Pie in the Sky’ Politician of the Year goes to ex-GAA president, Sean Kelly, from Kerry, now a Fine Gael MEP.

Sean revealed how Ireland wanted to bid for the 2023 Rugby World Cup with some matches being played at GAA’s Casement Park. Aye, right, Sean!

The Supporters of the Year Gong goes to the fan-tastic Ulster Rugby lot.

I can never understand how Ulster Rugby manages to bring so many folk together at Belfast’s Ravenhill, with plenty of booze, no segregation, and no chanting at the ref – just polite clapping and sober singing throughout!

And the Side-Splitting Trophy goes to independent republican councillor Paudie McShane, for his crackpot press statements on the Palestinian crisis.

There’s already a fine line-up of assholes … I mean, intelligent politicians, queuing up for 2014’s nominations.

This post first appeared in the John Coulter column of the Irish Daily Star.

Forgive and Remember.

‘Without forgiveness there is no future’. Desmond Tutu.

Forgiveness is a staple of the Christian faith from the first mention in Genesis right through to 1^st John. There is no mention of forgiveness in Revelation (maybe its too late by then?)  I didn’t become a ‘Born again’ during my time in prison but I did get to read the Bible a lot. (Especially in the punishment cells)  I did attend church before going to prison and I still attend on the odd occasion. I have also been to chapel on numerous occasions to attend funerals, christenings and weddings.  I also got to read the Roman Catholic version of the Christian Bible.  Since then I have also read the Koran completely and spent a lot of time on Judaism, the Talmud and Torah.  

The Lords Prayer I was taught at Sunday School (and home) includes the phrase and ‘forgive those who trespass against us’. I read in Matthew Ch.6,  verse 12 in the King James version that ‘. .forgive us our debts,  as we forgive our debtors.’ Allowing for this article that debts and trespasses are anything that is hurtful to us, then the argument is, we should at some point, forgive others.

So where is forgiveness today in Northern Ireland, that Christian country with its high rate of church and  chapel attendance? The reaction to Larkins proposal concerning drawing a line and then the death of one of my heroes, Nelson Mandela,  prompts important and significant questions for this country and its future.  Was there  a populist grass roots reaction to these events or one from vested interests,  magnified by the local media?  And now the DUP talk of a limited immunity?

Can we do a South Africa and draw a line and move forward together?  First, a confession.  No, I didn’t have forgiveness, love and understanding when I was young and feeling afraid and angry.  I had no forgiveness while the bombs went off daily in the middle of my city. I didn’t forgive those that took away the lives of people I knew that fuelled my hatred. Enough hatred to join up and seek out revenge.   I have had friends and colleagues killed by republicans,  loyalists and security forces.  Sadly I have also had friends who ended their lives at their own hands.  So can I forgive now after serving out my life sentence?  And do I seek the forgiveness of my victims?

But first, a quick look at what has gone before.  In 1916 in this country and during a great war there was enough pain, poverty and hurt for everyone. One section of the country said,  ‘we had enough of britishness’ and they gained a nation. The Irish Nation.  They used violence along the way.  A chunk of the island wanted to stay British. They used violence also.  So after the brits pulled out of Dublin harbour what happened? Enquiries and tribunals set up to catch people 30 years on? Recrimination and allegations? Not really because greater circumstances overrode those considerations. Very quickly Irish Republicans had their more immediate worries- a civil war. When the dust settled on that conflict, which was as ugly as anything preceding it, was there a truth commission? Were the victims voices listened to? Was there a Historical Team set up to look at past deeds? None, that I can read about.  During the Second World War there was  IRA activity and in 1942 young Mc Williams was hung in Belfast for killing a policeman. Often forgot about for Unionists is that the other 5 charged men were quietly released through time. No enquires or tribunals after the war.

During the ‘50s, the IRA started a Border campaign. After it petered out, what happened? A truth commission? No. Actually that hard line Unionist monolith decided to let IRA life sentence prisoners, who had killed policemen, out of jail early.  Not an amnesty you understand but let out anyway.

Was there forgiveness? Or understanding? Or a pragmatic approach? But what of further afield? There were no mass hangings after World War 1. But Germany was made to pay heavily and set up one of the necessary conditions for the Second World War. After World War 2 and with the obscenity of Nazism and the holocaust ,there was an appetite for justice and revenge and hence Nuremberg.  But both Japan and Germany have been forgiven, in a way, and life has moved on. But it is harder for an individual who has lost a dear one. So what about Algeria with the French trying to fight the OAS? (There  is an informative book, ‘Wolves in the City’ by  Paul Henissart,  about that conflict. ) After the French left, was there a Truth Commission, an HET type body? No.  What of Bosnia and Rwanda? Literally millions of victims and what is happening there? The various conflicts in Central America. What happened after the end of the communist terrorist campaign in Malaysia in the 1950s?  Truth recovery processes are not inevitable.  Indeed it seems a modern phenomenon.

Forgiveness is not a thing to be taken for granted.  True forgiveness is an amazing thing and through the Troubles I have seen giants walking among us. I will take two just as examples.   I listened to Mr Mc Goldrick after his son had been shot dead in 1996 for no better reason than he was a Catholic.  I was humbled and amazed by his talk at a time of the greatest hardship and heartache in a parent’s life.  I am a father. How would I feel in that man’s shoes?  Similarly in 1987 I listened to Mr Wilson who lost his daughter in the Enniskillen bombing.  Such strength and understanding.  Was this the Christianity as outlined in our Bible?  I respect the wishes of the victims who do not wish to go to that place. To forgive publicly.  But I do distinguish between those who cannot forgive and those who will not forgive. The worst of the latter, being opportunistic politicians, who use anybody and any issue,  to further their own beliefs and goals.

And what of me? Because I killed, am I allowed to have victim’s feelings when my friends are killed? I have met, on the street, one of the men, a Provo, who killed my friend and shot another two people I knew.  We knew each other and what we had done. I had harmed members of his small community This was not an old mates reunion. But neither was it hostile. We spoke like civil people. I plan no harm to him or anyone else for that matter.  I understand why he done what he done.

The policeman who executed my friend on a Belfast street is 30 years older. Possibly I have met him somewhere through my life. Neither of us may know about the other ones background.  But what was done 30 years ago is done. No one can undo it. It took me time to learn how to forgive but first I needed to understand. I already knew how to hate. And I have seen where hate leads.  And yes, to answer my own question,  I would like the forgiveness of all my victims. And that includes my family.

I am never going back to where I once was.  I work and hope for a better and peaceful society. I have no magic formula for sorting out the victim situation. But I will do my best, and have done, to try and ensure there are fewer victims in the present and the future. We all need to become giants if we can emulate South Africa. Otherwise we are staying where we are. Is that good enough? The quote I started with is worrying.  If we can’t forgive, what future lies ahead of our children and grandchildren? Will there be a never ending cycle? Or can we be the generation that finally starts the process of living together with our differences?

PRIMO

THOUGHTS FROM AFAR

STALEMATE

The news coming out of Northern Ireland over the last few weeks reads like something from the 1970s, minus the carnage (thankfully). However, in reading the papers, watching the TV, listening to the radio and reading all the online sources, is, to say the least, depressing and disheartening.
On the ground, we witness the proxy bomb attacks in Derry/Londonderry, the brutal kneecapping of a youth in the Creggan, an attempted car hijacking in Belfast. A paramilitary shooting of a young woman in East Belfast, as well as a paramilitary punishment shooting in Coleraine that took place while punishment beatings are supposed to have ended in both communities. A major split has taken place in the UDA with the fear of a violent feud amongst the competing factions.  The situation has deteriorated to the point that “The US government has warned its citizens the threat of terrorism in Northern Ireland is severe and they should exercise vigilance.” (Belfast Telegraph, 27/11/2013)

While all this is happening in the streets, political parties and community groups on both sides constantly cite the issues of social, economic and educational deprivation and the marginalization that their respective communities suffer. The problems run even deeper within the Protestant working class where not only does that community experience all these problems, but also believes that its culture and its way of life are under attack from Sinn Fein.  In particular, the removal of the flag, as Winston Irvine, put it on the Nolan show (27/11/2013); was the “straw that broke the camel’s back.” (Johnny Harvey had made the same point in December 2012.) This explains the emotional nature of the flag protests and the intense frustration of the Protestant working class with politics.

The interesting point above is that leaders and people within both communities realize that the social, economic, and educational factors are the most important issues facing them.  Yet, some within each of these communities continue to pursue policies that do not address those very real and important issues.  Instead, they find themselves locked in a battle with each other over symbolic issues, when the real fight lies in improving the quality of lives for all the people in Northern Ireland.

What does all this mean for Northern Ireland?  Four years ago, a good friend of mine, who did and continues to do significant and groundbreaking work on the conflict, told me that the life cycle of “peace” in societies coming out of conflict is approximately 15 years.  Ominously, it is now 15 years on from the Belfast Agreement.  Is my friend right?  Does everything that I have listed above indicate that Northern Ireland is on its way to a new round of sectarian violence?  I do not know.  However, the evidence from 3 December 2012 through today does not present us with a hopeful picture.

Having laid out my pessimistic view above, I would argue that Sean Brennan’s piece “Case for Sinn Fein/Progressive Unionist Party alliance” (3/11/2013) points the way out of this stalemate and the way forward.  Alex Kane’s recent piece The Dissidents are not going to go way also is important to read in terms of looking for a new way out of this impasse.  Some may view both of their visions as unrealistic, and to a certain extent, I would agree with that criticism.  In particular, Kane’s call for ‘Sinn Fein—and particularly the IRA element of it . . . [to] disown this new generation’ and admit that ‘they themselves backed the wrong strategy’ is more than hopeful.   However, I would make the case that Brennan’s argument makes much more sense than, as David Ervine often put it, the continued “tribal dance” that has brought on this stalemate; the point where the US government is now warning its citizens not to travel to Northern Ireland.

Building on Brennan’s work, I would argue that in order to move forward and to avoid a return to the past, as well as address the issues important to both communities, leaders, parties and people from all sides must make tough and unpopular decisions.  Strong and fearless leadership from all parties, in particular those who represent the most disadvantaged in Northern Ireland, must fight the very real battles necessary to address the social and economic problems both working class communities face.

All the polls over the last few years strongly demonstrate that a united Ireland is not going to happen anytime soon. There is little immediate desire for it either north or south of the border. That being the case, as Brennan argues, then Sinn Fein, if it really cares about social, economic and educational issues of the working class, needs to spend its time building coalitions with the Protestant community and groups around issues important to them all rather than worrying about taking down symbols it finds offensive.  This would dovetail with the comments made by Dr. John Kyle at the PUP conference in October about the nature of poverty and other social problems in Northern Ireland; that they are not simply ‘Protestant’ or ‘Catholic.’

Sinn Fein and the Provisional Republican leadership must also overcome its own “tone-deafness” when dealing with the loyalist and unionist community. This “tone-deafness” only further alienates those that Sinn Fein has to persuade to join them in a United Ireland.  One significant example of this occurred on the 20^th anniversary of the Shankill bomb when republicans unveiled a plaque to Thomas Begley, the IRA man who died carrying the bomb in to Frizzel’s fish shop. Gerry Kelly attended the ceremony in Ardoyne and Sean Kelly, the bomber who survived spoke at this commemoration.

The address by Declan Kearney to St. Andrews University on 16 October 2013 is another stark example of this.  Speaking a week before the anniversary of the Shankill bomb Kearney stated that “The legacy of the Shankill Bomb will stay with each bereaved family and our entire community for many years. It is a legacy all republicans will share with deep regret and sorrow.” Then he immediately shifted the attention away from the actions of the IRA when he stated that, “In the subsequent days unionist paramilitaries engaged in multiple killings of Catholic civilians.”  Here, Kearney offers no genuine apology and no real acknowledgement of the pain and suffering the IRA caused that day.  Yet, at the same time, Kearney made the point, when talking about this period “that the only solution [to the violence] would be found through dialogue. There was no military solution to the political conflict.”

If dialogue was the way forward then, it is most certainly the only way forward now in this era of political stalemate.  Again, echoing Brennan’s work, I would argue that Sinn Fein, instead of pushing through its agenda of removing symbols of Britishness and focusing only on its goal of a united Ireland, should begin to engage in positive dialogue with the PUP, the UPRG, the Orange Order and the many Protestant community groups.  Why?  Well, as I stated above, if Sinn Fein’s goal is a united Ireland, it is not going to get it through attacking the symbols of the unionist/loyalist community.  The only way for Sinn Fein to achieve a united Ireland is through convincing the unionist/loyalist community it has a future in a united Ireland. The constant attacks on the symbols of Britishness actually push the unionist community further away from any collaboration and into the entrenched positions of “No surrender” and “No compromise”.  In other words, confrontation is counter-productive to the project of a united Ireland unless Sinn Fein’s goal is to marginalize the UPRG, PUP, and the Protestant working class and leave them out of that project.

As it was, and to a certain extent still is, the loyalist community is “reactive” in that it responds to provocations from Sinn Fein and/or other parties/groups that it believes is attacking it.  The flag protests are a clear illustration of this.  However, if the Protestant working class wants to have an impact on the future of Northern Ireland then it must move beyond fighting only for its symbols and focus instead on the important issues that it faces every day.  As I argued in “Where Do We Go From Here?”  the road of “populism” around the “nation”, “symbols” and tying their future to right wing politics and groups leads nowhere for the Protestant working class.

So, what should the Protestant working class do in this situation?  Whenever I think of this question, I go back to the 1977 Combat document called “Think or Perish”, written in response to Gusty Spence’s famous 12th July 1977 speech .  In this speech, Spence laid down the strongest challenge yet to unionists, loyalists and republicans to find a way to end the violence and create a peaceful Northern Ireland, stating, “Eventually loyalist and republican must sit down together for the good of our country if we claim to be patriots.  There is no obstacle that is insurmountable.” (Spence Oration, 12/07/2013)

Spence’s speech was so powerful that it made those who wrote, “Think or Perish” realize that “’Populism’ is no substitute for the truth.” (“Think or Perish”, July 1977)  Taking their cue from Spence, the authors argued that,
It is essential that we cease to cling to old cherished myths and traditions in the face of new realities.  The human intellect must now be employed for the salvation of our fair Province.  We must think our way out of our present critical dilemma.  To continue in meaningless violence is far too dangerous. It is think or die.  Since there will obviously be no victor in the war of attrition the only possible battleground left to reasonable and patriotic men is in the mind and around the conference table.

One may well ask what does this have to do with the present situation.  My answer would be everything.  The reality here, as it was in 1977, is that Northern Ireland has once again reached a stalemate, this time a political stalemate.  In getting out of this deadlock, the lessons from Spence’s 1977 speech and “Think or Perish” are absolutely crucial for the future of the loyalist community. Dialogue has to take place and loyalists must participate in that dialogue. Real politics, focusing on social, economic and educational issues as well as a better quality of life for everyone has to replace or at least take precedence over the battle surrounding symbols and parades. Spence recognized this in 1977 when he stated that,

We can never go back to the society that once was, even if we had a wish to.  We want employment and decent homes like all human beings, and loyalists will no longer suffer their deprivation stoically lest their outcries be interpreted as disloyalty. (12 July 1977 speech)

In other words, for both communities, politics must replace populism.

Even while defending the flag and the protestors at Twaddell, Billy Hutchinson said much the same in a Belfast Telegraph interview on the 29/11/2013:

There are social problems in working-class communities and until they try to deal with creating jobs and tackling educational underachievement we have a problem.

Those at the Assembly have had quite some time to do it, but we haven’t seen anything.

We need unionists to recognise we need to deal with the past.

Everybody’s views need to be heard. Republicans can’t be allowed to tell us how to deal with the past. Parades and the past are connected to flags and parades. If we don’t, we will continue to talk about parades and the past for 50 years.

I know that many will reject some if not all of what Brennan and I have argued and I welcome any and all criticisms.  However, the reality on the ground is that both sides, whether they like it or not, will eventually have to engage with each other in dialogue on the real issues that are important to both communities.  The only other alternative is the current stalemate, along with the political vacuum that breeds extremism on both sides and threatens the peace process.

How Violent is Northern Ireland?  Part B

        I made distinction in the previous article between murder and manslaughter.  Murder is the deliberate and pre planned killing of another person. Manslaughter is an accepted case of less premeditation where someone has died.   In terms of court disposals in this period there was 31 cases where one or more people where given life sentences quite often with significant minimum tariffs.  Of the 112 cases some 36 where dealt with as manslaughter cases with a more determinate sentencing pattern.   There were 10 cases where there was no information available via public information and where the outcome was unclear.  Despite stereotyping and media misrepresentation only 4 of the 112 cases was dealt with by means of assigning the perpetrator to a mental institution such as Carstairs. This represents only 3% of the total.  

Clearance rate.

Possibly the most interesting figure is where charges or convictions have not been brought.  Of the 112 cases I would argue that 31 killings remain unaccounted for. However there is a significant factor in that in some cases the killer goes on to kill himself. As for example in the McElhill children tragedy. Two partner killings in this period , seen the partner kill themselves soon after the murder. No charges or case can be brought because there is no one to prosecute.  This would account for 8 killings.

There is a significant lack of progress in organised paramilitary killings such as the UVF-LVF feud. However there are other notable cases where progress has been limited. Lisa Dorrian remains missing, assumed dead and despite media leads and rumours there have been no charges. During this period  the killing of Robert Mc Cartney took place in  January 2005. Despite the world wide attention and political elements to this slaying and despite arrests of high ranking IRA men no one has been convicted of the killing. Another high profile killing was that of Paul Quinn in 2007. The PSNI  have no legal remit for this case as the killing took place across the border. However it is likely that the perpetrators are from the North. But again the case is heavily overshadowed by political aspects.

Overall the police would have a detection and clearance rate of over 80% in this period. If the paramilitary killings are excluded then this rate rises to slightly over 90%.

Partner killings.

An uncomfortable figure for the British public is that every week 2 women will be killed by a partner or ex-partner.   Does this fact show itself in N.Ireland?  There has been a long and continuous line of partner and ex-partner killings in N.Ireland.  In 2004 there were 6 such cases. Most of these resulted   in manslaughter convictions.  In two cases the partners killed themselves soon afterwards. There were 3 partner killings in 2005.  In 2006 there were only 2 such killings but one being notable for the female killing the male.  In 2007 there were 3 such partner killings. In one case the husband killed himself after the murder of his wife. Overall this total of 14 killings of the total of 112 represents 12 % of the total or on average over 3 a year.   Notable partner murders seem to enthral the mass media e.g. the case of Paul Crymble in June 2004.   Julie Mc Ginley killed her husband in August 2000 and in a later period outside this study was the case of the dentist Colin Howell and Hazel Stewart.

Ethnicity.

One theory that seemed to gain popular currency for some time was that the sudden and large rise in ethnic groups especially from east Europe was responsible for a rise in crime. Do the figures hold this to be that case? In terms of population figures, given that the ethnic groupings in N.Ireland represent some 8% of the population then this is what may be expected in the figures?  Of course these violent deaths are heavily weighted towards males as perpetrators. The first main aspect of study is the intra-ethnic nature of the killings. White locals tend not to be targeted by ethnic groups or vice versa.  In the period covered there were 6 killings involving foreign nationals. In one case in Dungannon a Lithuanian male was killed by local white youths. Two local woman were killed by  foreign nationals. Both crimes had a sexual element. Of the other 3 killings, 2 involved Chinese nationals killing a Chinese national. The last case involved Lithuanians.  So in terms of foreign nationals engaging in violence in this period there is only 5 of the 112 cases or about 4 and a half%. Well below the percentage of foreign nationals in the population as a whole.

Alcohol and Drugs.

One of the common threads to many of the illegal killings is that of alcohol. Drunkenness has been a significant factor in both murder and manslaughter.  Of the 112 killings at least 38 have involved alcohol to some extent.  This represents the largest rate of 34 %. In one case at a party the truth could not be established because everyone including the victim were extremely drunk.  Judges have commented on the drinking culture.  There were only 2 cases were drugs played a significant feature in the killing. Although there is the possibility of alcohol having also been taken along with the illegal drugs.

Motivations.

A clear factor in N.Ireland  is that of the paramilitary groupings for example the dissidents continuing to kill security force members as well as each other. The organised crime and drugs gangs also inflict fatalities on each other over money and territory.  Crimes of passion still exist and there was at least one sexually motivated killing. Revenge killings do exist for imagined slights or insults either on an individual or family.  The largest motivating factor in this study concerns alcohol and the inherent aggression that is displayed especially by males when drunk. There is no one cause as such but especially given a party atmosphere, possibly with drugs, then extreme violence can be used. The effect of this is that detection is relatively easy.  Setting aside the paramilitaries what we do not have in Ireland, north or south is the killer spree such as typifies America. This is where one person (usually)  goes on a massive one off killing spree usually in a public place or school. Only recently there has been the strong suggestion of a serial killer in the Republic.

Conclusion.

      On reflection N.Ireland for the most part is much like any other western society. It is neither more nor less violent than say Germany.  In comparison to some countries in the world N.Ireland and Ireland as a whole are safe places to live.  Ironically, and research shows this repeatedly, if you are to be killed it will be by someone you know and quite possibly from someone in your family circle.

Primo.

Comparative Violence

Just how violent is Northern Ireland? The figures from the troubles have been gone over many times. Over 3500 deaths, thousands more injured, billions lost in jobs and destruction. Families left with empty seats.  Untold suffering, and  many hidden victims. In any one day in 1972 you could have multiple deaths, explosions, robberies, hijackings, shootings, riots. Truly disturbing times and yet those of us over 50 lived through it all.

But what of today? How violent is N.Ireland?  What do the figures say as opposed to media created impressions, fearful misconception and guess work? It is obvious that the situation has changed dramatically. Barring the Omagh bomb since 1995 things have been relatively quiet but sadly not for families such as recently, Kevin Kearney, the family of Ronan Kerr, the family of David black and so on.  However it is a fact that most violent crime in the country is civilian or has no terrorist motivation. It is a reality that the media will dwell on the more ‘juicy’ murders such as the dissidents in an attempt to gain more sales. I will argue that violent crime in N.Ireland  is totally unlike much of the crime portrayed in the media, the movies and crime fiction novels. Agatha Christie would not have much to do in N.I. although having said that, the police are truly puzzled by some, as yet, unsolved killings.

So what is meant by violent crime? I take for this article both murder and manslaughter as seen by the Court system of N.Ireland.  Many people will be charged with murder which will be dropped later to manslaughter.  Of course there is attempted murder, GBH,  GBH with Intent etc. but to make this task manageable I have selected what most people would regard as the worst of violent crimes namely killing another person no matter what the reason, cause, excuse or motivation.

I have selected the period from January 1^st 2004 until December 31th  2007. I have calculated that there were 112 killings in this period.  (30, 27, 27, and 28 in those respective years.) Most of these cases have been dealt with in the court and as such the details e.g. circumstances and motivations , of the case have become public.

I have used a variety of sources including the main TV channels, local papers and court appeal s which can be accessed on BALII.  (If we take a corresponding 4 year period from 1971 to 1974 we find that there were 1242 troubles related deaths with possibly other non-political killings not included in those figures. )

Comparative rates.   For the purposes of this article (and this period)  I have used the population of N.Ireland  as 1.7 million. The census of 2011 showed a population of over 1.8 million. So for example in 2007 there was 28 illegal killings. This equates to 1 killing per  60,714 of the  population.  A common usage in the literature looks at the figures in terms of ‘per hundred thousand’. Therefore in 2007 there were 1.64 killings per hundred thousand of the population in N.Irealnd. The figure for England and Wales is 1.59 while Scotland is recorded at 2.17.  The Republic of Ireland had a figure of 1.45.  On an international comparison we have countries like America with a rate of 5.6 while Austria has a homicide rate of 0.6. The unbelievable figure of 91.6 belongs to Honduras where over 7000 people in one year out of a population of   7 million were illegally killed. Intriguingly there is a figure of 6.9 for the whole world. Put in this context,  N.Ireland sits as one of the less violent countries.

Of course the cravat that “there are lies, dammed lies and statistics” holds true and figures can vary from one country to another as indeed so can definitions and judicial systems. (Sources,  Wikipedia, Crimlinks,   Guardian, UNData. )

Political/ paramilitary killings. The Good Friday agreement followed on from the 1995 ceasefires. While the current situation is still turbulent there has been a huge drop in paramilitary related deaths with the notable exception of the Omagh bombing on 15^th August 1998.  How many political killings were there in the period of 2004 to the end of 2007? I would argue that there were 13 such killings. This represents a figure of 11.6 % of the 112 illegal deaths in the period.  Or, just over 1 of every 10 deaths was due to paramilitaries.  The problem of course is telling exactly what was planned and what was not. For example, in this period was the UVF -LVF feud which took a number of  lives. The UDA killed in Nov 2005 one of its more flamboyant characters,  Jim Gray. The Provos had two notable killings namely Robert McCartney in January 2005 and Paul Quinn in September 2007. Of the paramilitary killings the loyalists committed 10 in this period. Recent figures indicate a large reduction by loyalists while dissident republicans  are figuring more prominently.

From the early seventies the figures show that paramilitary killings have dropped from about 66% to 11%. Still far too much for such a small society but figures do indicate a slow and gradual reduction in the murder rate from this source. However this figure is confused by the rise of organised crime as drug gangs seek to eliminate competition through violent means.  It may be a more sombre assessment that organised crime gang activity will increase but perversely they will inflict their violent activities on each other.

Another emotive aspect to murder and manslaughter is that of children. In this case the old adage holds true a person is at greatest risk of being killed by a member of their own family or someone they know. Stranger killings (bar the paramilitaries) are rare in N.Irealnd.  Children (for this article) are regarded as anyone aged  17 and under.  In this period some 11 children were illegally killed. The figure is massively skewed by the tragedy of 13^th November 2007 when a convicted sex offender  killed his partner Lorraine, and the 5 Mc Elhill children aged 13, 7, 4, 1 and the youngest of only 10 months.  In this period a baby aged  weeks was killed by his mother. A 16 year Devlin was savagely stabbed to death on a Belfast street in a sectarianism murder.  A young man of 15 years, Michael McIlveen, died after an altercation in Ballymena in May 2006.  These 11 deaths out of a total of 112 represent a figure of 9.8%. Or, just under 1 in 10 violent deaths involve children.  Of these 11 cases 9 would have known or been related to their killer.

Conclusion.

The facts and figures alone can never tell the full story of the victim,  their family and friends and the shattering impact it has on them. However the facts reveal something more about the society we live in. We do not live in a perfect society if there is such a thing. And while violence occurs it is not on the scale of other parts of the world.  Paramilitary activity such as bombing pubs and bombing soldiers e.g. Warrenpoint,  has more or less stopped. Children are still being killed as has happened for as long as people can remember.  But for N.Ireland the murder figures are reducing slowly which is what we would all wish for. There were only 16 illegal deaths in 2010 and 2012. This year to date there has been 12 illegal killings (to 26.10.2013) with a possible estimate for the year of 16.  Whether we get back to the pre troubles days of when a murder was a sensation is open for debate. Let’s not forget the massive slaughter of civilians in the 1920s. Society has changed and so has attitudes.  In a follow up article I will look at various other aspects in this period such as the influence of alcohol in killings, ethnicity, conviction rates, class, motivations and why some murders have not been cleared.

Primo

Dr John Coulter is a political columnist with the Irish Daily Star and Tribune magazine. With the Haass talks given until Christmas to produce a solution to the current impasse, Dr Coulter takes stock of the situation facing the talks participants.

Northern Ireland has just endured a summer of hate as the peace process deteriorated into its most volatile state since the 1994 terrorist ceasefires.

The media recorded the worst riots since the 1981 republican hunger strikes and the 1996 Orange Order parade standoff at Drumcree.

The diabolical situation has left many wondering how the peace process crumbled given the highly successful G8 conference in Fermanagh, which included a public relations coup with President Obama; Londonderry celebrating the UK City of Culture year, and Ulster hosting the prestigious World Fire and Police Games.

The peace process unravelling gives the perception the island is returning to the bitter sectarian conflict which has gripped Ireland for the past eight centuries. At first sight, the reasons for the unrest seem politically stupid.

Firstly, there is the decision by Belfast City Council to fly the Union flag on designated days rather than all year round. The Council was once the bastion of Unionism, but now has a republican and centre Alliance Party ruling coalition.

The Parades Commission, which rules on the routes of many of Northern Ireland’s contentious marches, is being blamed for its decision to refuse loyalists from marching along the Catholic ‘Ardoyne Shops’ in north Belfast, and republicans holding their Tyrone Volunteers parade near Castlederg town where the IRA murdered numerous people.

There is also the equally controversial future of the former Maze prison, which once held some of Europe’s most dangerous terrorists. It was the location where 10 IRA and INLA hunger strikers died in 1981.

Republicans want one of the so-called H Blocks retained; Unionists say the so-called peace centre will become a terrorist shrine. This summer’s rioting has again witnessed hundreds of police officers injured, and thousands of pounds of lost business.

Millions of pounds in European Union funding is also at stake for the peace centre, when DUP First Minister Peter Robinson, dramatically withdrew his support for the peace centre project, sparking speculation that he bowed to pressure from Right-wingers in his party and placing his leadership in serious jeopardy.

Supporters of the peace centre must be wondering how they will guarantee the EU funding before any referendum on the UK’s EU
membership, especially if the British electorate votes to leave the EU.

Robinson is now facing the same crisis which forced his predecessor Ian Paisley senior – now Lord Bannside – out of both the DUP leadership and First Minister’s post. Again, at first sight, the solution is simple – replace Robinson with a more traditional Right-wing Unionist.

But the current peace process held because Sinn Fein and the DUP have been able to maintain the power-sharing Executive at Stormont since 2007. It has been one of the longest periods of devolved government in Northern Ireland since the original Stormont Parliament was axed in 1972.

The Union flag row, parade disputes and Maze shrine argument have all combined to lift the lid on the underlying cause of the unrest which, if not addressed, will unhinge the peace process – the growing political disengagement in the loyalist working class.

The 1994 ceasefires and especially the 1998 Good Friday Agreement which shifted the peace process into top gear saw the emergence of dissident terrorist movements in both republicanism and loyalism.

Over the last almost two decades, republicanism has witnessed the development of terror groups opposed to the peace process, such as the Continuity IRA, Real IRA, New IRA and Oglaigh na hEireann. Although these organisations have been heavily infiltrated by the security forces on both sides of the Irish border, the Police Service of Northern Ireland has constantly warned about the threat posed by republican dissidents.

This summer’s rioting from Protestants has now seen the development of a dissident loyalist terror movement, not witnessed since 1999. The 1994 loyalist paramilitary ceasefires were called by the umbrella organisation, the Combined Loyalist Military Command, which represented mainstream terror groups – the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Defence Association.

In 1999, dissident loyalists formed the rival Protestant Military Alliance, which represented the Orange Volunteers, Red Hand Defenders and Real Ulster Freedom Fighters. As with the dissident republicans, the British security forces used their network of agents and informers to penetrate and neutralise the dissident loyalists.

Loyalist street violence this summer has seen more than 50 police officers injured. The Police Federation, which represents ranks and file police officers, has called for more officers to be recruited to cope with the troubles. The PSNI leadership has had to rely on police officers from mainland Britain being sent to Northern Ireland.

The real core of the crisis is that the loyalist working class feels abandoned by the mainstream Unionist parties, perceiving that the peace process has substantially benefited the Catholic communities.

There is particular anger directed towards Robinson’s DUP. Although it was founded in 1971 as a predominantly Protestant working class movement, to overtake the rival Ulster Unionist Party, the DUP has had to eat into the electorally lucrative Unionist middle class.

However, in becoming the dominant party in Unionism, the perception has now been created among loyalists that the DUP has abandoned them in favour of power at Stormont, and power with the most extreme form of republicanism at that.

Many loyalists remember that the DUP fought its 1985 local government election campaign under Paisley senior on a ‘Smash Sinn Fein’ platform. Loyalism has interpreted Sinn Fein’s ability to secure peace funding for nationalists areas as an attack on British heritage and culture.

In this respect, the DUP has fallen into a political pitfall which Sinn Fein has tactically avoided. Like the DUP, Sinn Fein’s main power base from 1981 onwards was the Catholic working class. To become the dominant force in Northern republicanism, Sinn Fein had to capture the nationalist middle class; the traditional ground occupied by the moderate Catholic Social Democratic and Labour Party. This electoral victory by Sinn Fein over the SDLP was achieved in the 2003 Assembly poll and has been held ever since.

However, Sinn Fein has been able to target electorally lucrative Catholic middle class voting areas while retaining its support base in working class republican strongholds. It is a fine cross-class balancing act which Robinson’s DUP has been unable to copy.

Such has been the alienation between the DUP and the loyalist working class, Robinson has even been forced to seek support from a significant minority of pro-Union Catholics, commonly called ‘Castle Catholics’.

This has propelled the DUP into voter territory which it was traditionally unaccustomed to – the centre pro-Union fraternity. The DUP found itself in a tough election battle with moderate UUP, Alliance, the Northern Ireland Tories, and the new moderate pluralist party spawned from the UUP, known as NI21.

Policy-wise, the 2013 Robinson-led DUP found itself on the same political ground as the 2003 UUP then led by First Minister David Trimble, now Lord Trimble of the Conservative Party.

Working class loyalists have begun to organise electorally against the DUP, going in urban areas mainly to the socialist-leaning Progressive Unionist Party, viewed as the political wing of the terrorist UVF and Red Hand Commando. The Union flag protest campaign has also led to the creation of the hardline Protestant Coalition party.

The 2014 European elections have also thrown another wild card into the political mix for the three Northern Ireland seats – UKIP. In mainland Britain, especially in England, the Nigel Farage-led Eurosceptic movement has been gaining ground substantially and may even emerge as the United Kingdom’s largest party in the European Parliament ahead of the Tories and Labour.

Over the summer, Farage pulled off a public relations coup when he visited Northern Ireland to promote UKIP and went ‘walk about’ in the loyalist working class stronghold of East Belfast – Robinson’s Assembly constituency.

Farage made it very clear in his speeches that while Sinn Fein and the UUP seemed likely to retain their MEPs, the DUP’s European seat was vulnerable given the working class backlash against the DUP.

To avoid the electoral fate of the UUP and Trimble, the DUP may be forced to lurch politically to the radical Right and offer Robinson as a sacrificial lamb. But the present stability of the Stormont Executive is finely balanced on Sinn Fein and the DUP being able to work together in the middle ground.

It was this effectively working scenario which earned Paisley senior and Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness the nickname of The Chuckle Brothers – after the popular children’s TV programme – but which was to lead to Paisley senior’s eventual demise.

The question, therefore, given that the DUP has a reputation for putting party survival before keeping politicians, is when, not if, Robinson will quit. His departure will see a three-horse leadership race with the winner having to make some substantial Right-leaning policy shifts to placate grassroots Unionists before the 2014 European poll.

The choices are Executive Minister Arlene Foster, a former UUP member from the rural Fermanagh border constituency. She is a Robinson supporter who could maintain the DUP’s slender relationship at Stormont with Sinn Fein.

There is former Executive Minister Sammy Wilson, the East Antrim MP and ex-Belfast Lord Mayor who has strong working class credentials, and would be a popular choice to rebuild the DUP’s links with loyalism.

The outsider would be East Londonderry MP Gregory Campbell, viewed as being on the party’s Christian fundamentalist wing. When Paisley senior was leader, he was also Moderator of his fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster which he founded 20 years before the DUP in 1951. Since his departure from the leadership, the fundamentalists have largely been a minority voice within the party.

Another wild card in the survival of the Stormont Executive and ultimately the peace process will be the outcome of the September 2014 referendum on Scottish independence. If Scotland voted to leave the Union, could it mean more Westminster cash for Northern Ireland?

If Scotland narrowly voted to remain within the Union, would it trigger the maximum devolution scenario – the so-called ‘Devo Max’ solution – whereby the Scottish Parliament was given even more devolutionary powers? This would effectively mean total Home Rule for Scotland, the next best step to full independence.

A consequence of this would be to kick-start a ‘Devo Max’ project for the Stormont Assembly. Again, this would be akin to granting Home Rule to Northern Ireland. Ironically, many Unionists are staging centenary commemorations of Unionism’s fight against Irish Home Rule plans when Ireland was one nation under the Union and which brought the island to the brink of civil war. That sectarian slaughter was only averted with the outbreak of the Great War in Europe in August 1914.

Likewise, a strong UKIP showing throughout the UK in 2014 will have a clear impact on the Republic of Ireland, the only other EU state to have a land border with the UK in Northern Ireland.

The Republic, like Greece, has had to be given a massive multi-million euro bailout to help the country survive the effects of the disastrous collapse of the once-thriving Celtic Tiger economy. Already there are rumours of some shops on the Southern side of the border abandoning the euro and trading in sterling.

If the North leaves the EU as part of a general UK departure following any future referendum, the South will have no other option financially but to follow the UK. The South’s only other option would be to re-negotiate its re-entry back into the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, formed originally as the Empire Parliamentary Association in 1911. Ireland was a founder EPA member when Ireland was entirely under British rule.

The seeds of a new political map for the British Isles could now be sown. This could see Scotland out of the UK, but still in the EU, with England, Wales, and Ireland (North and South) out of the EU, but in a new Union of the British Isles.

The key to this scenario becoming a reality is the future survival of the Stormont Assembly. If the Executive collapses amid street violence and paramilitary terror, could it reinvigorate violent nationalism in Scotland and Wales with the Scottish National Liberation Army and Free Wales Army?

Innocent Victims Are Not Always Genuine

I am responding to your query about my line concerning innocents who are not genuine. I have to start by laying out my position in regards to the way I see the world. Following on from my years of imprisonment and instruction to learn for myself I see the world as multi coloured, not black and white and certainly not  green and orange. The world is an amazingly complex,  intricate mix of people, events and ideas. I do not take the line that the world or N. Ireland can be summed up in a quick news bite for Sky TV. Our situation cannot be summed up in a 500 word article for a newspaper. I challenge the narratives that are about. The narrative, when I was young, was that all Roman Catholics (aka taigs) are dirty, don’t work and are generally bad people.  I got rid of that stereotype a long time ago.  Our need for clear discussion and debate is not helped by simplistic concepts and inadequate language,  labels and communication. And that is where the term victim comes in. I do not think it is a proper term for the discussion we need to have. The term victim would appear to be  simple enough i.e. someone who is hurt or killed by someone or something. That’s a pretty wide definition.  There also, for me, is an intentionality in there. Someone is  a victim because someone else meant to cause harm for no good reason. And that’s where my multi coloured idea comes in. The term ‘victim’ cannot accommodate all the shades of reality.

So some examples.  All real. The largest mass rape occurred in Berlin in 1945 as the Russians took over the capital and decided to teach the Germans a lesson. The Russians had experienced the brutality of the Nazis as they invaded Russia.  So where the women victims of a sexual crime?  Victims of war? Or non-victims as far as the Russians where concerned? Did the rest of the world rush to aid and comfort these ‘victims’? In Belfast a 75 year old man is stabbed in broad daylight by a 25 year old. The knife is plunged some 10 inches into the old man. He survives.  The situation changes somewhat when you know that the old man is a notorious sex offender and the young man is one of his victims from many years ago. The old man; victim or not? Many ordinary people will say is he not a genuine victim and deserves what he got.  The young man, victim? Or offender in the eyes of the law? Or both?

Theoretical now. A man serves in a shop he owns and is shot dead by a terrorist. A sociable , hardworking, family man with no convictions.  In reality he is a member of a terrorist group who has killed people but not yet come to police attention. Victim or not? Genuine on the surface but guilty all the same?

I contend that the word victim is inadequate to debate what has happened here in N.Irealnd. As a contrast take the word water. How many adjectives can you put in front of water? e.g. tap, drinking, sea, salt, iced, mineral, dish, sparkling, spring and so on.  Quite a variety to look at the many different aspects of that substance. How much more important is it to differentiate the word victim? So what can be done to start such a process? First we could be careful with the term ‘innocent victim’. It immediately implies that there could be a guilty victim. (The dead terrorist kind?) What about using terms like primary victim, secondary, even tertiary?  Occluded victim i.e. someone deliberately killed but we have an opt out clause, to not regard them as a real (primary?) victim because they have a conviction of some sort. As an ex-prisoner of the Troubles  I believe  the guy killing himself while blowing up other people is not a victim in the same sense as they are.  He can’t be a victim because there was no intentionality from another. He was his misfortune, bad luck or whatever that killed him.  He can be a very definite causality of the conflict. But not a victim. To summarise then there are many types of victim. It is a hugely complex area as we see in public debate. An agreed terminology is a long way off. Consensus will be even more difficult to achieve.  In some ways victimhood may be like beauty (or ugliness); its in the eye of the beholder? And from that we find that some innocents are not regarded as genuine by particular sections of the community we live in.

Primo